The CPM Politburo of 1964, the year it was formed, comprised only upper-class Hindu leaders—with Harkishan Singh Surjeet, a Sikh, the only exception. A separate Ministry of Welfare was established in 1985 (renamed in 1998 to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment) to attend to matters relating to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and OBCs. “For now, with Modi never coy about flaunting his ‘backward’ class identity and with OBCs increasingly represented in government, the trend looks irreversible and will contribute to a Hindu consolidation in favour of the BJP,” observes Bajpai. Children of those with family income above. Held that the determination of SEBCs is done not solely based on caste and hence, the identification of SEBCs does not violate Article 15(1) of the Constitution. [34] NCBC also recommended sub-division of OBCs into 'backward', 'more backward' and 'extremely backward' blocs and divide 27% quota amongst them in proportion to their population, to ensure that stronger OBCs don't corner the quota benefits. Though Modi is the first ‘backward’ to achieve the national centrestage—let us not forget that the likes of Kamaraj and Dalit leaders like Jagjivan Ram were zealously shoved aside by ‘upper-caste’ leaders of the time despite being national leaders—various leaders have made a mark in their respective states over the past two decades. However, there is one firm, Sakthi Sugar Ltd., whose board is dominated by OBC directors. The northeastern states, barring Assam and Tripura, are primarily tribal-dominated, and the BJP hierarchy reflects this social composition. Bahti 12011/68/93-BCC(C) dt.10/09/1993 5. [35][36] In August 2017, NDA government announced the creamy layer ceiling in the OBC category from getting reservation in jobs, has been raised from Rs 6 lakh a year to Rs 8 lakh. [44] On 21 July 2015, Supreme Court rejected Centre's review plea for its verdict of quashing Jat reservation in OBCs. The Mandal movement was destined to rewrite all that forever. With the spread of Other Backward Class (OBC) politics across India, this shift to a more explicit caste politics of meritocracy has also spread. Such Notification is open to challenge on the ground of wrongful exclusion or inclusion. 5 of 2007), the Central Government must take an appropriate decision on the basis of materials placed and on examining the concerned issues as to whether Institution deserves to be included in the Schedule of the said act as provided in Sec 4 of the said act. Table of Contents [ hide] 1 Cricket Players Caste with Religion Devji agrees with the view that Modi is not a polariser along caste lines: “I wouldn’t put the Prime Minister in that category [of OBC leaders championing the case of their castes alone] politically, as his own background seems not to have been translated into caste politics, despite the number of OBCs in his party.”, A BJP leader from Madhya Pradesh, who belongs to the OBC Yadav community, feels that the BJP leadership has over the years accommodated “more and more” OBCs “as candidates to assemblies and the Lok Sabha” to win over the largest chunk of Hindu voters who stood divided. [30][31][32] The creamy layer is only applicable in the case of Other Backward Castes and not applicable on other group like SC or ST. Rudraja Brahmins in the states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. # Giri / Goswami Brahmins are in OBC in Bihar. A group that was very heterogeneous—from powerful landed castes to poor labourers—suddenly developed salience as a category in response to the hostility shown by ‘upper’ caste members in the face of the potential extension of affirmative action to these groups.” He adds, “You could also imagine this strong bonding arising as a kind of ‘loss aversion’ effect—being promised something and then having it taken away (reservation here) results in much stronger aversion and hence coordinated action than if there had never been this possibility.”. Besides, since the divide until the early 1980s was mainly along ideological lines comprising four streams—modern democratic Congress values, Leftist, socialist and Hindu nationalist—caste had not begun to play the role it was destined to play soon. Notably, leaders of communist parties failed to adapt to new realities and lost their socialist agenda to casteist parties in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where the Left had earlier had significant presence across industrial estates and in some towns. Now, with Narendra Modi, an OBC, as Prime Minister, ‘backward caste’ influence is expected to rise. A caste OBC in many states may be General in central. # Rajputs are in OBC in Karnataka. So OBC category is not a criteria of judging social standing of any community. Born as the third child (out of six) to Damodardas Mulchand (father) and Heeraben Modi (mother), Narendra Damodardas Modi is considered one of the most successful self-made leaders in the world as he has no political background in his family. [25] The lower OBCs form around 35% of the population in Uttar Pradesh. These have the surname of … He played the classic Bania role of mediator and connector”. A Congress leader from Tamil Nadu, a Brahmin by caste, says that he welcomes the new trend: that of ‘backwards’ getting what’s due to them in politics. Replies. The earliest Vedic texts listed the Kshatriya (holders of kshatra, or authority) as first in rank, then the Brahmans (priests and teachers of law), next the Vaishya (merchant-traders), and finally the Sudra (artisans and labourers). It had prepared a list of 2,399 backward castes or communities for the entire country, of which 837 had been classified as the "most backward". Until then, the Congress party had been on a winning streak on the back of a lethal political mix of Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims. Assam’s first Chief Minister was GN Bordoloi, a Brahmin. The Bengal Brahmins who are the periphery of the Hindustani belt (but still very much a part of it … And how. Perhaps he feared incurring the wrath of Brahmins. For identifying backward classes, the Commission set up pursuant to the directions of this Court in Indra Sawhney 1 has to work more effectively and not merely decide applications for inclusion or exclusion of castes. [48], Lists of OBCs are maintained by both the National Commission for Backward Classes and the individual states. Replies. The states with highest number of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. Their marking as Brahmins produced forms of self-marking as a tactic of meritocratic claim-making. Its report stated that prime beneficiaries of 97% OBC reservation includes Yadav, Kurmi, Jat (Jats of Rajasthan except those of Bharatpur and Dholpur district are in Central OBC list), Saini, Thevar, Ezhava and Vokkaliga castes. Later, they went on to bring in [their] hegemony. The increasing use of identity by parties, along with an informationally constrained electorate using identity as a cue to voting in the absence of a better guide, and thus greater emphasis on identity by parties again, has resulted in a kind of vicious cycle where the importance of identity has grown over time,” he elaborates. The decline in the proportion of Brahmins in the Lok Sabha has been especially sharp since 1984, when it was 19.9 per cent; the figure fell to 12.44 per cent in 1998 and 11.3 per cent in 1999. But then, the so-called OBC consciousness didn’t result in their becoming a cohesive political force. The various caste groupings that got splintered and became captive vote banks for purveyors of identity politics became the vanguard of Modi’s victory. Since 1952, when the first Lok Sabha polls were held, Brahmin prime ministers have ruled India for a combined span of 51 years. Hence, they’ve been left out of this analysis. The nine-Judge Bench judgement also established the concept of qualitative exclusion, such as "creamy layer". [33] In October 2015, National Commission for Backward Classes proposed that a person belonging to OBC with an annual family income of up to Rs 1.5 million should be considered as minimum ceiling for OBC. This page was last edited on 7 December 2020, at 07:25. What is India's population of other backward classes? The quantum of reservation should be the same as in the government services, i.e. The Court has requested Parliament to exclude the children of MPs and MLAs as well. Imagine that even a state like Bihar, which is home to nearly 50 per cent OBCs, was mostly represented by Brahmin, Rajput, Bhumihar and Kayastha leaders as chief ministers,” says a BJP leader from the state who posits that his party’s adaptability vis-a-vis caste aspirations has helped it pull in votes. It is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is higher than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey. The First Backward Classes Commission was established by a presidential order on 29 January 1953 under the chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar, and submitted its report on 30 March 1955. “It rejected Ram Manohar Lohia’s suggestion that, in India, class is caste—and paid dearly for it,” he notes. The protected groups, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, are represented by only 3 board members of the total 34,772 directors. A Politburo member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) from West Bengal points out that the Left went on to lose the grip it enjoyed in the initial years of Independence thanks to its lack of understanding of caste. “Modi being Prime Minister does not mean that he favours OBCs as cabinet colleagues. Professor Ajantha Subramanian, Professor of Anthropology and South Asian Studies at Harvard University, has dwelt at length on this ‘upper-caste’ response to assertion by ‘backwards’. Till recently, they had disliked the domination of Brahmins, Rajputs and other ‘upper’ castes in the BJP. For his part, Modi had consistently brandished his caste credentials in the run-up to the recent Lok Sabha election, which saw caste as well as class become political weapons of choice for the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. Decoding Karnataka’s Caste Conundrum: Why BJP Asked Yediyurappa To Put Announcement Of OBC Status To Lingayats On Hold . Bata, Hensi or Hesi 12011/68/93-BCC(C) dt 10/09/1993 6. https://jangracommunity.blogspot.com/2011/11/jangra-brahamin-smaj-khati.html A system for issuing a Caste Certificate in West Bengal was introduced in the year 1985. [1][2][3] There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India; answer to the question is straight forward right, yes obc and sc both are backward classes caste and treated equally in caste system. Now is the time of OBC consciousness and therefore hegemony,” he says. The decline in the proportion of Brahmins in the Lok Sabha has been especially sharp since 1984, when it was 19.9 per cent; the figure fell to 12.44 per cent in 1998 and 11.3 per cent in 1999. He even alleged that rival Rahul Gandhi had shied away from being named the Congress prime ministerial candidate because the Nehru-Gandhi scion could not stand the ‘humiliation’ of losing to a person from a ‘lower strata’ of society. Saklani Brahmins in the state of Uttarakhand. Until 1985, the affairs of the Backward Classes were looked after by the Backward Classes Cell in the Ministry of Home Affairs. Separate hostels for OBC students with above facilities will have to be provided. The elections of the year also saw the likes of veterans Vasant Sathe, Madhu Dandavate, VN Gadgil, Ramakrishna Hegde and others biting the dust amid a ‘backward’ class awakening. Interestingly, Lal Bahadur Shastri (Kayasth), Charan Singh (Jat), VP Singh (Rajput), Chandra Shekhar (Rajput), Deve Gowda (Vokkaliga) and IK Gujral (Khatri) taken together were in power for only four years. Upper caste voters account for nearly 70,000 of which Thakur are in a majority and form around 35,000 of the electorate while Brahmins form 25,000 of the electorate. It is unkown whether there is lack of talent in the Dalit and other lower caste groups. Undertaking caste-wise enumeration of population in the census of 1961; Relating social backwardness of a class to its low position in the traditional caste hierarchy of Indian society; Treating all women as a class as "backward"; Reservation of 70 per cent seats in all technical and professional institutions for qualified students of backward classes. He believes in competitive politics,” says a senior BJP leader. You could say they are the new Brahmins,” adds the BJP leader. In Kerala, EMS Namboodiripad, a Brahmin, had constantly come under attack for promoting ‘upper-caste’ leaders over ‘backward’ ones, despite the fact that the latter made up a majority of the Marxists’ support base. Modi, mind you, is not biased towards OBCs, but his rise has helped get the OBCs—who were suspicious of the party thanks to propaganda—on board,” he claims. Interestingly, until the Mandal movement, Chaudhary Charan Singh and Karpoori Thakur were two notable OBC leaders from the Hindi heartland who got national recognition, but they drew strength as leaders of farmers, not as OBCs. Bajpai agrees with this view, but puts it differently, “The reservations that ‘backwards’ had about the BJP are dying fast and they are joining the BJP fold and voting en bloc for us,” he laughs. ThePrint studied the list of the BJP’s 50 national office-bearers, 97 national executive members, 36 presidents of 29 states and seven Union Territories, as well as 752 of the party’s district presidents across 24 states. Now, with Narendra Modi, an OBC, as Prime Minister, ‘backward caste’ influence is expected to rise. [17] There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India, with census data compromised by partisan politics. The landslide for the BJP also saw the dramatic crystallisation of a pan- Hindu vote bank under one umbrella for the first time. The other major castes, from highest to lowest, are the Kshatriya (warriors and princes), Vaisya (farmers or merchants), and Shudra (servants and sharecroppers). Among the 24 Cabinet members of the new NDA Government (Modi included), 12 are ‘upper- caste’, five are OBCs, two are Dalits and one a Tribal. [28][29] 1992 Indra Sawhney v Union of India judgment laid down the limits of the state's powers: it upheld the ceiling of 50 per cent quotas, emphasized the concept of "social backwardness", and prescribed 11 indicators to ascertain backwardness. Candidates belonging to OBC recruited on the basis of merit in an open competition should not be adjusted against their reservation quota of 27 per cent. [5] This difference between proportion of different communities in higher educational institutions is mainly because of difference in primary school enrollment. A senior Brahmin BJP leader from Uttar Pradesh argues that Modi’s rise doesn’t alienate ‘upper’ castes because of his “pro-market stance and merit-focused and development-oriented approach”. [46], The Kerala government grants OBC reservation benefits to Latin Catholics, Anglo Indians and Nadar Christians included in South India United Church (SIUC). The Nai community was listed as an Other Backward Class in various regions of India. The Kshatriya constitutes the ruling and military elite, the warriors. Three out of every four anchors (among a total of 40 anchors in Hindi channels and 47 in English channels) of debates are upper caste. The Karnataka State Government has issued notification granting OBC reservation benefits to Brahmin Christian, Kuruba Christian, Madiga Christian, Akkasali Christian, Sudri Christian, Scheduled Caste converted to Christianity, Setty Balija Christian, Nekara Christian… Brahman, highest ranking of the four varnas, or social classes, in Hindu India. No single caste in the OBC/ intermediate caste category has a share of even 30% among MLAs from these two groups in the Madhya Pradesh assembly. Though the Latino/Hispanic category was only created in 1970, it alludes to a sharply delimited group of people with origins in Central and South America. “And this is because of their large numbers,” he emphasises. OBC Lodh Rajputs had also thrown in their lot with the BJP, thanks to Kalyan Singh, a Lodh Rajput who had returned to the party. [13][14][15] Mandal Commission developed 11 indicators or criteria to identify OBCs, of which four were economic. The Parliament should fix a deadline by which time free and compulsory education will have reached every child. 2) Three out of every four TV debate anchors – from a total of 40 anchors in Hindi channels and 47 in English channels – were upper caste. Although education is considered an important factor to bring a desired social change, "educational reform" was not within the terms of reference of this commission. Among ministers of state without independent charge, of the 12, Tribals and OBCs have four each, while there are only three ‘upper-caste’ representatives “But the OBC writ simply runs. All universities and affiliated colleges should also be covered by the above scheme of reservation. 27 per cent. If material is shown to the Central Government that the Institution deserves to be included in the Schedule (institutes which are excluded from reservations) of The Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006 (No. So far as determination of backward classes is concerned, a notification should be issued by the Union of India. A lot has changed since then. States which have already introduced reservation for OBC exceeding 27 per cent will not be affected by this recommendation. Dt. This would indicate a new division of power and influence made possible by the new economy. He concedes that the domination of Brahmins and Rajputs in the party has been the main reason for “the limited growth of the BJP because OBCs never trusted the leadership of the BJP and felt more comfortable with regional parties emerging from the Janata Dal. Several criteria to identify the portion of the population comprising the "creamy layer" have been recommended, including the following:[39], In March 2015, Supreme Court of India scrapped Jat Reservations saying that Jats are not socially and economically backward in reference with National Commission for Backward Classes' (NCBC) opinion. In a reply to a question in Lok Sabha, Union Minister Jitendra Singh informed that as in January 2016, the percentage of OBCs in central government services is 21.57% and has shown an increasing trend since September, 1993. Other Backward Class (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify castes which are educationally or socially disadvantaged. “Have they abandoned the public sector to exercise a new kind of influence in the private sector instead? They specialised as priests (purohit, pandit, or pujari), teachers (acharya or guru) and … in India, Bhat or Bhatt as usually they are known to belong to Brahman caste. The Central Government shall examine as to the desirability of fixing a cut off marks in respect of the candidates belonging to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) to balance reservation with other societal interests and to maintain standards of excellence. Its benefits, by and large, are snatched away by the top creamy layer of the 'backward' caste or class, thus keeping the weakest among the weak always weak and leaving the fortunate layers to consume the whole cake". In the heartland states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, OBCs, who hold the key to government formation, had been backing regional outfits since the late 1980s, an era that saw the rise of the Janata Dal and later various other non-Congress, non-BJP parties as breakaway entities. All private sector undertakings which have received financial assistance from the government in one form or other should also be obliged to recruit personnel on the aforesaid basis. 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